Foreign policy of a country is primarily a projection of its socio-economic and political compulsions in international politics. Apart from other determinants, the foreign policy of Bangladesh was always guided by its core factors, where India occupies centrestage. Bangladesh, pursues its foreign policy based on its geographical surroundings, historical legacy, and more importantly, persistence of a number of outstanding bilateral issues, which are vital to its existence.

• Sanjay Bhardwaj
• April 2003
• Strategic Analysis

The Maoist insurgency which began in February 1996 is the major security challenge facing Nepal, having affected almost all the 75 districts of the country. The Maoists' core demandsan interim government, an elected Constituent Assembly to frame a new Constitution, a republican state-revolve around issues which seemed to have been settled in the 1990 Constitution. This Constitution was promulgated following a people's movement marking a transition from a party-less panchayat system to a multi-party democracy with Constitutional monarchy and sovereignty resting with the people.

• Padmaja Murthy
• January 2003
• Strategic Analysis

The debate on the rationale for Pakistan's possession of nuclear weapons, the concept of nuclear deterrence and the security of Pakistan has been intertwined. Many Pakistani defence analysts see both deterrence and security as synonymous. This paper analyses Pakistan's nuclear strategy in the context of first, its threat perception, second, its plan to achieve parity with India and third, its objective after the tests to portray Kashmir as a nuclear flashpoint to persuade the world community's indulgence and intervention to resolve the issue.

• Smruti S. Pattanaik
• January 2003
• Strategic Analysis

Policies of the developed world continue to affect the domestic as well as foreign policies of China and India in the post-Cold War period. The US war against terrorism in Afghanistan has drawn China closer to the US. This has set new parameters for Sino-Indian relationship. Economic reasons dominated the relations among nations in the 1990s, but the scare of terrorism has forged a global coalition and middle powers have few options to choose independent policies.

• Snehalata Panada
• January 2003
• Strategic Analysis

• Ashok K. Behuria
• Strategic Analysis

The article argues that India does not have a well-defined neighbourhood policy. It makes a historical survey of the approaches of different Indian leaders to the neighbourhood and examines the reasons for the prevailing negative perceptions about India in the region. It argues that these negative perceptions have come about because India has largely adopted an ad hoc and bilateral approach vis-à-vis its neighbours and has allowed its policy to be guided by an overarching concern for security. In recent years, India's approach has changed considerably.

• Smruti S. Pattanaik , Arvind Gupta , Ashok K. Behuria
• Strategic Analysis

• Nihar R. Nayak
• Strategic Analysis

Invitation to the SAARC leader to attend Prime Minister-elect’s swearing in ceremony has electrified diplomatic atmosphere in South Asia. In this context Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s visit and his scheduled meeting with the Indian Prime Minister has generated a lot of interest. Given the strong mandate, Mr. Modi is in a strong position to put his stamp on the further evolution of Indo-Pakistan relations right from the beginning of his tenure.

• Smruti S. Pattanaik , Arvind Gupta
• May 25, 2014
• IDSA Comments

The rhetoric and the politics surrounding illegal immigration issue is neither new nor is the stance of the BJP on illegal immigration unknown. It has always made a distinction between the Hindus and Muslims emigrating from Bangladesh considering the former as refugees and terming the later as illegal immigrants.

• Smruti S. Pattanaik
• May 16, 2014
• Issue Brief

Amid claims and counter claims, it can not be denied that unabated influx from Bangladesh into the North Eastern states has reached alarming proportion. It is essential that India convey strongly its concerns to Bangladesh.

• Rupak Bhattacharjee
• May 06, 2014
• IDSA Comments

“Credible minimum deterrence” is the cornerstone of India’s nuclear doctrine. It, used in conjunction with the concepts of “No First Use” (NFU) and “Non Use” against non nuclear weapon states, clearly indicates that India envisages its nuclear weapons as only a deterrent and not as a means to threaten others.

• Satish Chandra
• April 30, 2014
• Issue Brief

It is not merely about change in leadership; it is about ushering the country into a ‘decade of transformation’. The most immediate challenge before the incumbent government and the relevant election and security institutions is to sustain and strengthen the people’s engagement in the process.

• Vishal Chandra
• April 18, 2014
• IDSA Comments

Despite its abstention, India will continue to be evaluated negatively in Sri Lanka for its approach to the Tamil issue. Moreover, Colombo is also taking steps which may unnecessarily complicate bilateral relations.

• Smruti S. Pattanaik
• April 16, 2014
• IDSA Comments

It would appear that India accorded preponderance to the broader interests of national sovereignty before its final stand on the UNHRC resolution. But it also cannot be oblivious to the likelihood of parallels being drawn in the future by some countries inimical to India.

• Gautam Sen
• April 04, 2014
• IDSA Comments

There are no properly functioning Asian security institutions or regimes to regulate Asia’s nuclear politics and has to rely on global institutions and regimes for regulation of its nuclear politics and management of nuclear order. Treaties like the NPT are struggling to provide stability in the world as in Asia.

• Rajiv Nayan
• March 28, 2014
• IDSA Comments

De-militarisation per se is a sensitive issue, however, it is of essence that the Sri Lanka armed forces` role vis-à-vis the provincial administrations or even in the larger island-nation context be re-defined. It be a good idea to engage the SLA in project activities and relocate the army throughout the country and not be exclusively entrenched in the northern province.

• Gautam Sen
• March 13, 2014
• IDSA Comments

According to a poll survey, 29 per cent supported the candidacy of Ashraf Ghani, a former World Bank expert, who is one among the three probable candidates President Karzai is supposed to favour. Abdullah Abdullah, runner up in 2009 Presidential poll and former foreign minister, came second with 25 per cent. The rest of the candidates, including Abdul Rab Rasoul Sayaaf, polled under 10 per cent.

• Ashok K. Behuria , Abhimanyu Singh
• March 12, 2014
• IDSA Comments