India's missile defence explorations had long been hindered by its limited access to advanced interception technologies and slow pace of indigenization. India is now developing lower- and upper-tier systems for air and missile defence applications, while also aspiring for longer range exoatmospheric interception capability. However, considering that India's requirements are skewed towards lower tier threats, it is prudent to have an all-inclusive architecture that can meet all realistic threats (including air-breathing), with limited financial and political implications.

• A. Vinod Kumar |
• March 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

India has played a major role in keeping peace in Africa through its participation in the UN peacekeeping operations in the continent. For India, being at the forefront in peacekeeping in Africa is driven by a combination of factors, the aim to promote world peace and also safeguard its national interest. India's contributions are thus unique in the context of professionalism, humanitarian concern, and gender sensitivity.

• Ruchita Beri |
• March 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

The discourse on Pakistan-Afghanistan relations has usually centred on the political strategic dimensions of their relationship. This is not surprising given the acrimonious association between the two countries. Yet it is interesting to note that even against the backdrop of mounting tensions due to the deepening insurgency in Afghanistan, there has been unprecedented growth in economic activity between the two countries. This article explores the magnitude of economic relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the potential that has for impacting political relations.

• Sumita Kumar |
• March 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

Tokyo looks at energy security differently than does Washington, or other major global capitals. This persistent and deepening reality—so incongruously at odds with the continual affirmations of solidarity and alliance in the US–Japan bilateral relationship—has substantial grounding in economics. Yet, the contrast in mindset between Japan and the broader world is sharply amplified by differences in domestic institutions and politics. This perceptual gap has major implications for East Asia's energy future and for global geopolitics as well.

• Kent E. Calder |
• January 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

• Greg Mills |
• January 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

The Taliban are proving to be increasingly irrepressible. They seem to be adapting, faster than expected, to the challenges confronting them. Although in terms of weaponry they cannot match the vastly superior Western forces, in terms of propaganda, psyops and operational reach they are proving to be a force to reckon with. In retrospect one can say that the Taliban made good use of the time made available to them by the United States when it shifted its focus towards Iraq in late 2002.

• Vishal Chandra |
• January 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

• Sukanya Podder |
• January 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

China's efforts to build 'nodes' of influence in the Indian Ocean Region have been increasingly discernible in recent years. This endeavour, many argue, is driven by Beijing's military-strategic ends. However, such an argument remains a speculation, backed by frail and somewhat disjointed evidence. At least in the public domain, it may be too early to marshal tangible evidence to prove or dismiss the hypothesis.

• Gurpreet S Khurana |
• January 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

Economic globalisation, coupled with geopolitical instability and international terrorism, has made it impossible for any single country to secure its energy supply entirely on its own. The urgent energy security issue has resulted in brisk energy diplomacy with aspirations for cooperation running high among both producing and consuming countries. The concept of energy security needs to be expanded, however, because the real risks are not 'below ground' (a lack of resources) but 'above ground' (political instability). We need a new energy security concept to ensure global energy security.

• Chen Fengying , Ni Jiejun |
• January 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis

The Sunni Muslims of South Asia are divided into two major sub-sects, i.e. Deobandi and Barelvi, named after their places of origin in India in the 19th century. Because of abiding differences between them, these two sub-sects have built up walls of hatred and mistrust between them over time. The faultline between them has erupted violently in Pakistan since the late 1970s. While there are some pioneering works available on their separate worldviews, no study has yet been attempted to critically analyse the nature of their interaction at the political level.

• Ashok K. Behuria |
• January 2008 |
• Strategic Analysis